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Memorandum of and an agreement made and entered into between John Cocke party of the first part and the following named persons freedmen of color vis. (Rea Catherine William) Jarrat Pat Ed Itt Charlotte Alen) Ras) Jim Nick Nan) Joe Sally Charity Maria Sophia Sini Georgia) Charles Philis Delia) Peter Jones Tamar) Stephen Julia Stephen Jr. [?]) Mary Jerry Martha) Spencer Sara Alace Emily Susan [?] Harry) Shack) Antony) Harriet [?] Maria) Theophulus) Sol Katy Mary Sally Margaret Ely) Manerva Harriet Oscar) Roger) Nancy) Witnesses, they have agreed, and do now agree, and bind themselves, jointly, collectively, individually, and severally, as families, for themselves, and those for whom they have a right to contract -- to stay with the party of the first part, untill, the first day of January next, (1868,) work and be under his and the same rules, and regulations, directions, and management &c as heretofore required by him. And, in consideration for their doing and performing the same, the party of the first part, agrees to give them, one half of the nett proceeds, made or raised, on his plantation from said labor, the party of the first part, to furnish provisions, stock, and other things that he may think necessary, and also stock for raising, the same to be returned to him, if on the plantation the first day of January next, if not, in kind if made, or raised, on plantation, if not made, or raised, its value, to be retained, by him out of proceeds. The party of the first part, to hire and overseer, or Agent, at a reasonable compensation, or what is customary in the neighborhood, the party of the first part, to receive for his service such commissions, and compensation, as is allowed by the judge, of the probate court, of Green County
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to Administrators, on Estates. Should they party of the first part, think it is to the interest, of both parties, to hire more hands, for the purpose, of making, saving, or gathering the crop, he to do so, and said hire, and expenses, to be deducted from proceeds of said crop. Should any of the parties of the second party, loose any time by sickness, or otherwise, the rations, and water, to be deducted in proportion, to time lost. the party of the first part, to furnish, fuel, and lodging, but, the parties of the second part, to furnish, their clothing, shoes, medical attendance, and pay their Taxes, but, if furnished, or paid, by the party of the first part, to be deducted, from their portion of the crop, and also, all other liabilities, and damages, to which he, the part of the first part, may be subjected to, on their account. The half, of the nett proceeds belonging, to the parties of the second part, to be paid, by the party of the first part, to any person, whom majority of the second party, may select, to divide, and pay the same, over to them agreeable, to classification, to be made by themselves, when paid, should they not agree, the party of the first part, to decide the same for them. The plantation, and all improvements, to be kept in good repair, all water ways, and ditches, to be made, and kept opened &c, that the party of the first part, may think necessary for the production of the same. All time for holidays to be left to the option of party of the first part, or his Agent. The parties of the second part, to pay for all clothing, provisions, medical attendance &c for their children, if furnished, by the party of the first part, provided said children, are not able, to earn the same by their labor. All males under 21 years of age, and all females, under 18 yrs of age, who has been contracted for in the above contract by their parents, to be punished in a reasonable and humane manner, by the party of the first part,
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or his Agent, by switching, or otherwise, as they may think best. Should any of the parties of the second part refuse, or fail, to obey any orders, given them, by the party of the first part, or his Agent, or fail, to perform, any labor to their satisfaction, or if they should fight, or quarrell, or use any insolent language or act in an insolent manner, toward the party of the first part, or his Agent, or violate any part of the above contract, the same, to be null and void, and the party of the first part, has the right to discharge, or make them leave his plantation . . . . . . in acknowledgment of the above and foregoing contract the party of the first part signs his name and the parties of the second part make their mark.
John Cocke
Henry Rea, his X mark
Catherine, her X mark
Jarrat his, X mark
Pat, her, X mark
Ras, his X mark
Jim Nick, his, X mark
Nan, her X mark
Joe, his X mark
Sally, her, X mark
Charles, his, X mark
Philis, her, X mark
Peter Jones, his, X mark
Stephen, his, X mark
Julia, her, X mark
Spencer, his, X mark
Sarah, her, X mark
Harry, his, X mark
Shack, his, X mark
Antony, his, X mark
Harriet her, X mark
Theophulus, his, X mark
Sol, his, X mark
Caty, her, X mark
Manerva, her, X mark
Roger, his, X mark
Nancy her, X mark
Witness by
Benj Borden
[?] T. Moore
W. C. Burton
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[Not a strict transcript. Reformatted so as to more clearly render tabular data.]
Names and Supposed ages of negroes this 1st day of March 1863
Nancy (Cook), 69 years
Winey, 64 years
Flora, 64 years
Harry (Wd. Leg), 64 years
Tom, 60 years
Total 5
Allen, 58 years
Nancy ([?]), 55 years
Jim Nick, 50 years
Stephen, 50 years
John, 50 years
Caroline, 50 years
Nan, 50 years
Jarot, 50 years
Total 8
[Clary?], 49 years
Pat, 49 years
Henry Rea, 49 years
Pompey, 49 years
Lizey (Cook), 45 years
Peter (Taner), 45 years
Tamar, 45 years
Total 7
Manerva, 38 years
Sol, 36 years
Shack, 36 years
Peter Jones, 36 years
Joe, 35 years
Caty, 35 years
Spencer, 33 years
William, 33 years
Nick, 33 years
[Scina?] (dead), 32 years
Harry (yellow), 31 years
Charles, 30 years
Henry (Good[?]um), 30 years
Total 13
Catherine, 29 years
Sarah, 29 years
Toney (Dwarf), 27 years
Anthony, 27 years
Lucy, 27 years
Saley, 26 years
[Harkless?], 23 years
Roger, 23 years
Robert, 22 years
Mary, 20 years
Philis, 20 years
Total 11
Aggey (Dead), 19 years
Bett, 18 years
Theophilus, 17 years
Augustus, 16 years
Ras, 16 years
???, 14 years
Lizey, 14 years
Henderson, 13 years
Hariett, 13 years
Mary Jr, 13 years
Phoebe, 12 years
Charity, 12 years
Archer, 12 years
[Marinda?], 10 years
Lee (Sick), 10 years
Saley (Jr), 10 years
George (Cubey), 10 years
Total 17
Rachel (Died), 9 years
[Pler?], 8 years
Jane, 8 years
Matilda, 7 years
Oscar, 7 years
Charlotte, 6 years
Laura, 6 years
Maria, 6 years
Margarett, 5 years
Total 9
Martilla, 4 years
Allice, 4 years
Hetty, 3 years
Martha (Dead), 3 years
Allen (Jr), 3 years
Fancy, 2 years
Jessy, 2 years
[Silvina?], 2 years
Emily, 2 years
James, 1 years
William, 1 years
Sophia, 1 years
Delia, 10 months
Susan, 9 months
Jade, 7 months
Total 15
Reubin a Blacksmith, about 37 years
1864
March 1
Lily, 10 months
Jerry, 6 months
Ann, 9 months
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[page 1]
Xenia, Ohio
Jan. 31st 1860
Messrs. S. C. Townshend & S. D. Cabiness,
We write to inform you that we are not getting along as well as expected -- We have not got any money from Wesley which was placed in his hands for us -- he has been acting very dishonorably -- has sent money twice in a letter to a woman living in Albany -- he does nothing for me, has quit me and write to this women in Albany ever week -- and we have found out that he has been telling secretly -- that he is going off with this woman, as soon as he can get all the money in his hands -- We are very much dissatisfied -- and want you to get some way to take
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us back home -- we do not want you to send us any more money -- unless you place it in the hands of some one, in whom we can place more confidence than we can in Wesley -- Please write soon and let us know what we are to do.
Yours &c.
Jane
P. S. Wesley has not been doing any thing for us -- he treats Jane very badly -- but has given money to his sister and buy's a great many things for her -- I would like very much to go back, and stay until my mother comes -- They all appear pretty well satisfied -- but Jane and myself -- some of the children -- and Willis -- and me want to go back -- My brother somehow or other had all his clothes misplaced on the car's
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and lost them —- he has got one pair of pants and one shirt since we came here—- Willis and my brother are at the Yellow Springs going to school and are getting along very well -- Jane and I are both very anxious to go back -- write soon & let us know what we are to do -- direct the letter to us here at Xenia.
Green County
Ohio
Yours &c.
Alvira
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There is a class of our population clothed with certain civil rights and privileges which they did not possess until recently, and in dealing with which you may experience some embarrassment. I, of course, allude to the negroes. Among the terms upon which the Confederate States terminated their late heroic struggle for a separate & independent nationality, was one which guarantied freedom to this race. Although we deplore that result as alike injurious to the country and fatal to the negro, the law has been placed upon our statute books, in solemn form, by us through our delegates. The laws for their government as slaves have been repealed, and others substituted adapted to their new condition. We are in honor bound to observe these laws. For myself I do not hesitate to say in public & private, officially & unofficially, that, after having done all I could to avert it, when I took off my sword in
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surrender, I determined to observe the terms of that surrender with the same earnestness and fidelity, with which I first shouldered my musket. True manhood requires no deception, but that as we say with our lips we shall feel with our heart, & do with our hands. There is nothing in the history of the past of which we need be ashamed. Whilst we cherish its glorious memories, and that of our martyred dead, we pause here and there to drop a tear over their consecrated ashes, but remember that there is still work for the living, and set ourselves about the task of reestablishing society and rebuilding our ruined homes. Others, unwilling to submit to this condition of things, may seek their homes abroad; you and I are bound to this soil for life, for better or for worse, and it must at last cover our remains. What then is our duty? To repine at our lot? That is not the part of manliness, but to rise up and go forward performing our high mission as men. "He who does the best his circumstances allow, does well, acts nobly, angels could do no more." Is it not enough that the blood of the best and bravest has been shed in every valley throughout the land? Is it not enough
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that the bones of our fathers and brothers & sons lie whitening on every hill top? Is it not enough that the voice of lamentation has been heard at every fireside? Is it not enough that the wailing of the widow and orphan still sound in our ears? Have we not suffered enough? Have we not done that was in the power of human nature? In our bosoms let us wear this consciousness as a jewel above price.
Now let us deal with the facts before us as they are. The negro has been made free. It was no work of his. He did not seek freedom. Nominally free as he is, he is helpless beyond expression. Helpless by his want of habits of self-reliance. Helpless by his want of comprehension to understand and appreciate his condition. From the very nature of our surroundings, so far as promoting his welfare and adapting him to this new relation to society, are concerned, all [?] agencies must prove inadequate. They may restrain in individual instances. We are the only people in the world who understand his character & hence the only people in the world capable of managing him. To remedy the evils as far as is in our power growing out of the freedom of the negro it seems two things are necessary. 1st The recognition of
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the freedom of the race as a fact, the enactment of just and humane laws, and the willing enforcement of them. 2nd By treating them with perfect fairness & justice in our contracts, and in every way in which we may be brought in contact with them. By the first we convince the world of our good faith, and get rid of this system of espionage, by removing the pretext of its necessity, and by the second we secure the services of the negroes, leave them their places and how to keep them, and convince them at last we are indeed their best friends. When we do this let us hope that society will revive from its present shock, and our land be crowned with abundant harvests. We need the labor of the negroes all over the country, and it is worth the effort to secure it.
Besides all this, do we owe the negro any grudge? What has he himself done to provoke our hostility? Shall we be angry with him because freedom has been forced upon him? Shall it excite our animosity because he has been suddenly, and without any effort on his part, torn loose from the protection of a kind master? You may have been that master. He is proud to call you master yet. In the name of humanity let him do so. He may
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be older than you and perhaps carried you in his arms when you were an infant. He may have been the companion of your boyhood. You may be bound to him by a thousand ties which only a southern man knows, and which he alone can feel in all its force. It may be that when only a few years ago, you girded on your cartridge box and shouldered your trusty rifle, to go to meet the invaders of your country, you committed to his care your home and your loved ones; and when you were far away upon the weary march, upon the dreadful battlefield, in the trenches, and on the picket line, many and many a time you thought of that faithful old negro, and your heart warmed towards him. Did he not raised the corn and meat that fed your wife and children? And when you returned home did he not welcome you with tears of joy? Was he not faithful to the last? I believe there was scarcely ever such a picture of fidelity in the world, as was exhibited by the negroes towards us during the war! Then let us not cherish animosity towards them, for that which we and they were unable to prevent, and which is a deplorable catastrophe to them, more than to us.
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FORMAT NOTE: In the second image [0113], X is marked to indicate where the text on a scrap of paper once pinned to the page [image 0114] should be inserted. We have rendered that text in its intended place , in {curly brackets}.
[image 0112]
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For two years our farm was carried on in some measure as before, old Joe being the foreman on this plan, but then in the Fall as usual old Joe came up and my husband said well Joe what do you say about arrangements for next year, he replied well master what you say, he said both falls this as been the answer, Master what you say now I will reverse it. Joe what do you say. He said well Master these free n[-----]s give me right smart of trouble they feels dar freedom and if you please and willing I will be glad to have my own little farm to myself and not bother with these free n[-----]s any longer. My husband replied what land do you select for your farm and how do you wish to [do]. He soon found old Joe wanted to buy himself a home and he had an 80 acre farm some what detached from the main body of land that he had bought from a Mr. Jones a few years previous, with a comfortable log home on it. 2 large rooms & a hall was the home. I then had to give up my good cook Nancy and begin experimenting with
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with the freedman as house servants & sometimes we would have good servants and sometimes I would have to exercise patience and forbearance much. X {[image 0114]I well remember the first meal I undertook to prepare the difficulties I met with on every hand. I had long since learned how to make cakes, prepare desserts and different little delicacies for the sick but had never prepared a meal of substantials and my mistakes that day are laughable to me now when I look back to them.} Joe & Nancy moved to their new home some 2 miles from us and were very soon comfortably & happily settled old Joe often coming to his old master that he had [toted?] in infancy for advice. Nancy having lived with us as cook for so many years learned to preserve fruits of every kind, make wine, jellies and she could make most beautiful light bread & cakes. My rule had been for her as my cook to make a large loaf of old Virginia milk [?] bread every Friday for Sunday. Friday so that if she should fail in the rising she would have another day to prepare it. and Saturday was spent in cooking nice things for the Sabbath so that Sunday might in deed be a day of rest to all. She adopted then some rules in the management of her own house. My husband sold them the farm and necessary beginnings as a mule wagon &c and Joe year by year paid what he could [?] at [?] it was his and he received the Deed to it. He after a time purchased a horse & buggy and it offered Nancy much pleasure making the rounds of the town with milk, butter & vegetables for sale of a morning. The money she made in this way she considered her own and spent it for the supply of her table mostly. She would say no use to lay if up for [?] Daikins quarrel over when I am gone but we will enjoy it now. They had no children of their own but one adopted child whose mother died during the time of slavery & I was very much distressed about the child not knowing what best to do with him when she came forward and said Mistus give me the baby. I have none and I promise to be a mother to him. I gladly acceded to the proposition and she certainly was a good mother to the
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the unfortunate little one.
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[page 1]
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Tell Joe and all the negroes I am proud of the way the [sic] conduct themselves. All I ask is for them to make a support and enough to pay taxes
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and other expenses. I do not want a dollar from the farm as long as the war lasts. If they remain faithful throughout, and if I live they shall be provided for better than any other negroes and have everything necessary for their comfort and happiness. Nothing that I have will be too good to divide with them. They never knew me to deceive one of them, they must therefore trust me when I say they shall never have cause to regret their fidelity.
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[page 1]
N. Carolina Wilks County Jan 1st 1868
We Jas S. Morrison & Sarah my former slave mutually agreed to obligate ourselves in a firm contract to hire and be hired on the following Terms (viz)
I Jas S. Morrison agree to give said Sarah two Dollars per month untill my corn is gathered & wheat & rye sowed next fall for all the time fit to work out including washing to be paid in clothing at reasonable prices or in any thing that we agree upon excepted money.
I Sarah obligate myself to do good work and all that I can in reason in the house and out of the house for Jas S. Morrison and family & behave myself decently & respectfully untill the time above named for two dollars per month to be paid as above named bad weather I am to work all that I can in & about the house for my board If I fail to comply with the above agreement I will forfeit and pay all damages agreed upon by three freeholders. In case of sickness I Sarah agree to pay Jas S. Morrison a reasonable compensation for board and attendance In witness whereof we Jas. S. Morrison and Sarah set our hands and affix our seals this 1st of January 186[8]
Jas S. Morrison [seal]
Sarah [mark] Morrison [seal]
Test Drusilla Gaither
N. Carolina Wilks County Jan 1st 1868
We Jas S. Morrison & Mariah my former slave mutually agreed to obligate ourselves in a firm contract to hire and be hired on the following Terms (viz)
I Jas S. Morrison agree to give said Mariah one Dollar per month untill my corn is gathered & wheat and rye sowed next fall for all the time fit to work out to be paid in clothing at reasonable prices. I Mariah obligate myself [to] do good work and all that I can in reason in the house and out of the house for Jas S. Morrison & his family & behave myself decently & respectfully untill the time above named for one Dollar per month to be paid as above named bad weather I agree to work all that I can in & about the house for my board If I fail to comply with the above agreement I will forfeit and pay all damages agreed upon by three freeholders. In case of sickness I Mariah agree to pay Jas S. Morrison a reasonable compensation for board & attendance In witness whereof we Jas. S. Morrison and Mariah set our hands and affix our seals this 1st of January 1868
Jas S. Morrison [seal]
Mariah [mark] Morrison [seal]
Test Drusilla Gaither
[page 2]
N. Carolina Wilks County Jan 1st 1868
We Jas S. Morrison & Mariah formally belonged to Wm Gray mutually agreed to obligate ourselves in a firm contract to hire and be hired on the following Terms (viz)
I Jas S. Morrison agree to give said Mariah two Dollars per month untill next Christmas for all the time fit to work out including washing to be paid in clothing at reasonable prices or anything we agree on except money.
I Mariah obligate myself to do good work and all that I can in reason in the house and out of the house for Jas S. Morrison and family and behave myself decently & respectfully untill next Christmas for two Dollars per month to be paid as above named and the board of my child bad weather I agree to work all that I can in and about the house for my board and the board of my child If I fail to comply with the above agreement I will forfeit and pay all damages assessed by three freeholders. [In case of sickness?] I Mariah agree to pay Jas S. Morrison [a reasonable?] compensation for board and attendance In witness whereof we Jas. S. Morrison and Mariah set our hands and affixe our seals this 27th of January 1868
Jas S. Morrison [seal]
Mariah [mark] Gray [seal]
Test Drusilla Gaither
[text perpendicular to the rest -- would have been on the outside of the folded document:]
Mariah Gray's
Sarah Morrison's &
Mariah Morrison's
Agreement with Jas.
S. Morrison
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[marginal notation:] agreement w. my negroes
June 20 tuesday – This day, at the plantation made an arrangement with my negroes to work on my place, being declared freedmen & freedwomen, by the yankees. The arrangement includes my home-servants at home. They are to have the productivity of ten average acres of corn. The following is a copy of the contract, & the names of the signers.
“We, the undersigned, declared ‘freedmen & freedwomen’ by the U.S. military authorities, and residing on the plantation of B. Manly, near Foster’s ferry, Tusk., W. Ala., do hereby agree to continue to work on the said plantation, under the direction of said Manly or his agent; to use due diligence during the customary number of hours, daily, to take care of all the stock, implements, or other property on the place or committed to us severally; and to act faithfully as laborers and employees on said plantation in all respects, until the close of the present year, on pain of being dismissed therefrom by said Manly of his legal representative by his desire. And we do also hereby agree to receive as full compensation for said services, the food, clothing, house-room, fuel and medial attendance in actual sickness, of ourselves and families; and further, that we receive to productions of a lot of ten (10) acres of land, to be selected as an average of the crop of corn; to be divided [?] among us at the close of the year.
As witness of our freely & voluntarily agreeing hereunto we have affixed our marks opposite our names, to this paper, before witnesses, at the said plantation, this 20th day of June, A.D. 1865.
Winter, Wood, Peter, William, Archy, Andrew, George, Robert, Alick, John, Henderson, Edmond, Oliver, Levi, Judy, Ron, Patsy, Martha, Sabra, Rebecca, Priscilla, Lydia, Binky, Ann, Old Sabra, Julia, Morris, Arthur
I, B. Manly, as named in the preceding instrument, do hereby [express?] my agreement to employ the persons whose names are thereunto attached, according to the terms thereof.
Given, under my hand, the day & date before written.
B. Manly
Signed in presence of
John C. Foster
Joshua H. Foster
This was presented to the U.S. military authorities in Tusk. on Thursday July 6th and approved.
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[page 1]
Canton, Miss.
June 29, 1865
Dear George
I wrote to you some time since by W. Thomas of this County who went on a visit to his Father, Dr. Thomas a refugee who located near Union Springs, Macon County of your State.
I presume that you never received my letter or if you did that something prevented you from replying. As mail communications may been again established I trust that you will immediately reply upon the reception of this letter.
I wish you to inform me whether my Negroes went to the Yankees or what is their present
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status or condition and whether any of them desire to return to their old home in Union and if how many and who are they. I do not know whether it would pay to bring them here but if they desire to do so I feel disposed to try the experiment with some of them at least. My negroes here with the exception of Harriet, her family and one other have up to this time withstood every transportation and proved very faithful. Harriet has turned out to be a consummate scoundral. She speaks of emigrating to your Country as soon as she can earn or steal money enough. Should she do so I would advise you
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to be on your guard as she will corrupt every Negro you may have left. Are my mules, carriage, wagon all safe? They are certainly now more to valued than Negroes.
Well George we are all ruined and no mistake--at least such is the condition of your humble servant. I have a large amount due to me but do not expect to be able to collect a cent as universal reprudiation seems to be the order of the day and I believe such will be legalized by the Convention of this State whenever it meets and I presume the same will be done by Conventions of other Southern States.
I feel inclined as soon as I can
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make the means to emigrate to some other part of the world. The present is terrible to contemplate but I see nothing in the future upon which to hang a hope that times will improve. In Fact my fearing that things will grow worse and worse. I sincerely trust that in this I may be mistaken.
Write me how you have all fared and what your prospects are for the future. As for myself were it not for the sake of my younger children I have considered death a great relief and would welcome it with all my heart. All are well and unite with me in love to you and yours.
Your true friend,
O.A. Luckett
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"A PROCLAMATION BY ROBERT JEMISON, JR., TO HIS BLACK PEOPLE, ISSUED PRIOR TO THE EMANCIPATION' PROCLAMATION.
"(The following is a copy of the first draft of a proclamation which Mr. Jemison issued to his slaves before the surrender. It was found in the back of an old account book which was apparently used also for memoranda.)
"I have been by the Yankees stripped of the meat intended for your support. They have taken all the good mules and horses and left at without the means of carrying on the farm as heretofore. Under these circumstances it is impossible to feed you as you should be and as I would wish. If what corn we have is not taken from us, you will have an ample allowance of bread with a very small allowance of meat. By proper industry and attention to business you can make bread for another year and a moderate supply of meat if the hogs do not die up with disease, or are not killed to supply the present scarcity of meat.
"You have been told by the Yankees and others that you are free. This may be so! I do not doubt that you will be freed in a few years. But the terms and time of your ultimate freedom are not yet fully and definitely settled. Neither you nor I know what is to be the final result. Amid this uncertainty we can neither of us tell what is best to be done. Heretofore I have endeavored to do a good part by you in feeding and clothing you properly and otherwise making your situation as comfortable as it condition. of slave, would allow. And I still feel an interest in your welfare though the former relation of master and slave is to be dissolved.
"Some of you have left with the enemy. One of these that left (Nathan) was captured by the Confederates and hanged. Another (Emanuel) has been shot we learn by the Yankees. The others are yet out—some with the enemy, some in the woods. Those who have left me to go with the enemy have their lot chosen, and must abide by it. They will not be permitted to return to those of you who have not left. I submit the following proposition, to-wit:
"1. Each of you who wish to go to the Yankees may do so. Those of you who have families must take them with you. Those who leave will never be permitted to return. All relations between at will be forever dissolved and all intercourse between those who go and those who remain must be at an end. I make this requirement for the good of all concerned, not in any spirit of hostility or ill will.
"2. To those who desire to remain I will give the use of the plantation stock. etc., left, so far as necessary to carry on the farm this year, on the following terms:
"They shall return to me the plantation and tools in as good condition as received. They shall return the same amount and kind of forage and provision consumed during the year. They shall pay all expenses of the plantation of every kind, including wages of the overseer. The hogs, after the pork is killed, shall be equal in number and value as when the pork was killed at last season. The cattle and sheep shall be properly taken care of as well as the stock of every kind and delivered up with its increase at the end of the year. For the rent of the plantation there will be no charge except the small grain crop harvested and to be harvested and the putting (in of) this crop of the small grain crop next Fall. The wheat, rye and oats shall all be properly taken care of and threshed so far as needed. After the foregoing allowances to me all the remaining products of the farm shall be divided amongst (you) according to services rendered and merit.
"3. That the amount of services of each may be known, the overseers will keep an account of all lost time and the manner that each does his work, and of his general conduct, all of which shall be taken into consideration in the division amongst you.
"If anyone shall before the end of the year without my consent leave, he or she shall forfeit all interest in the crop, or if anyone is so idle or inattentive as not to be worth a support, he or she may be required to leave. Or, if anyone shall be disorderly, disobedient, or otherwise cause trouble or disturbance on the place, he or she will be required to leave and will not be permitted without my consent for any purpose and under any pretext to afterward come on the place.
"Each and every one of you pledge yourselves to be industrious, attentive and regular to your business, and to conform in all respects to the hours of labor and the other rules and regulations of the place as heretofore.
"This agreement shall be binding for the year whether you are immediately freed or not. If at the end of the year the terms of your freedom be more definitely and clearly defined and settled, and you still desire to remain with me, I shall be disposed to do as well by you as any other person, or at any rate as well (as) I can do in justice to myself and family."
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Written around the time of the integration of the University of Mississippi by James Meredith and the riots that followed.
A followup to "A Bell Rang," written after Meredith was able to enroll, it discusses negative reaction to the previous piece and the responsibility of editors in publishing editorials. It also argues that the editorial "we" should not be understood to reflect the views of the whole campus.
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Written after and in response to the enrollment of a Black student to the University of Tennessee's Law School.
A followup piece to "The Southern College and the Color Line," it reiterates the newspaper's stance: it does not want Black students to be admitted but recognizes that this will be inevitable and is nothing to panic about.
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Written two days after the "Stand in the Schoolhouse Door," Gov. George Wallace's unsuccessful attempt to prevent two Black students, Vivian Malone and James Hood, from enrolling at the University of Alabama. It contrasts Wallace with U.S. President John F. Kennedy, driving the opposition against these actions, and praises each for doing what he felt was right. It also shows appreciation for Wallace "for knowing when to quit."
Note: The title, as indicated in the article, comes from a quote from an 1888 speech by Southern journalist and speaker Henry Grady, regarding his contention that Black and white Southerners must learn to coexist, peacefully but separately, because the South will "never be quit of either."
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Written in the aftermath of a period of nationally prominent civil rights protesting and race-related rioting in Birmingham.
It observes that one of the problems of race relations is "the tendency to think in terms of ultimates or extremes." It then directs questions to both the "ardent segregationist" and the integrationist "agitator." While it argues that change is inevitable, it rejects the speed of change and warns that agitation brings negative consequences.
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Written after the inauguration of Alabama's new attorney general, Richmond Flowers, and its new governor, George Wallace.
It contrasts the men's attitudes regarding the potential integration of Alabama schools. It references the integration-related rioting at the University of Mississippi of the previous year and quotes from Wallace's inauguration speech, in which he promised "segregation now, segregation tomorrow, segregation forever."
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Written after the riots at the University of Mississippi at its integration.
It urges Alabama to "profit from the mistakes of others" and prepare to meet future integration attempts without violence, which will require strong, mature leadership.
