Slavery in Alabama

Like the other slave states, Alabama's ruling class was deeply reliant on the exploitation of enslaved people. During the antebellum period, the voices of enslaved people were generally not present in Alabama's newspapers. While news items like sale or so-called "runaway" notices were written by enslavers and the people who worked to preserve slavery, these articles nevertheless provide important insight into enslaved people's lives. For example, while runaway notices were designed as a tool of oppression, we can find in them evidence of people's attempts to liberate themselves or, at the very least, resist the institution of slavery by withdrawing their unpaid labor for periods of time.

"A Proclamation"

This proclamation from a January 1831 issue of Tuscaloosa's Alabama State Intelligencer details the history of an enslaved man named Harry, who supposedly killed one "Mr. Forster" and subsequently escaped from jail in Monroe County. Here we can glean small details about enslaved people even though the purpose of the notice was as a tool of the slave system. This proclamation provides a description of Harry, a brief account of his personality as perceived by enslavers, and shows that he had managed to evade capture long enough for Alabama's Governor, Gabriel Moore, to offer a significant reward.

"Census of North Alabama."

This census data, from a January 1831 issue of the Alabama State Intelligencer counts the people, both free and enslaved, in the Northern District of Alabama. While there were thousands of people enslaved in Northern Alabama in the antebellum period, the numbers pale in comparison to the large-scale slave labor camps that dominated the state's Black Belt region. The data help show that these counties had little use for slavery and helps us understand why, once the Civil War began, most white residents there would oppose rebelling against the federal government.

"Executor's Sale of 125 Negroes"

This executor's notice from a December 1846 issue of the State Flag & Journal emphasizes the lack of stability for enslaved people. They were subject not only to the whims of enslavers but were literal property to be inherited or sold. Here, one Henry Smith of Lauderdale County, Alabama, died holding 125 people in bondage. The reference to New Orleans, one of the South's largest slave markets, underscores the fact that enslaved people had no say over where they were sold, or if families could stay together after the death of an enslaver. Indeed, since marriages among enslaved people were not recognized by law, it was common for marital vows to include the phrase "till death or distance do we part."

"Negroes For Sale"

This sale notice, from a January 1831 issue of Tuscaloosa's Alabama State Intelligencer highlights several important aspects of slavery. The short, simple sale notice note's the carpentry skills of an unnamed enslaved man being put up for auction. Even in the cotton-dependent Deep South, enslaved people often learned trades outside of the agricultural industry. Additionally, the terse notice lumps together the sale of enslaved people with fifteen mules. This casual framing was a common aspect of slavery: enslavers denied enslaved people's humanity by equating them with animals and other property.

Birmingham's Political Cartoons

At the turn of the twentieth century, Birmingham rapidly emerged as one of the most important industrial centers in the world. The city developed around deposits of iron ore and coal, and became the largest producer of steel in the United States. The rapid development of Birmingham occurred during a time in the United States' history now known as the Progressive Era, where realities of urban development caused an interventionist spirit among the American public. In this context, the Birmingham Age-Herald often ran front page political cartoons that reflected the attitudes of the Progressive Era, as well as acting as a mouthpiece for Alabama's Democratic party and a booster for city development.

"Dr. Wisdom's Sure Cure for Lynching"

This cartoon from July 1903 addresses the epidemic of lynching that was common in the U.S. South. In the image, an offensive caricature of a Black man is advised that the "cure" for the problem is not the end of racial terrorism, but instead for him to improve his character. Such images reflected the newspaper's strong adherence to white supremacy and racial segregation.

"Tell it to the World."

This cartoon from April 1905 is indicative of the boosterism common among Birmingham's industrialists at the turn of the century. Boasting about the city's "brilliant future" as a consequence of its iron and coal deposits, it shows Birmingham literally being put "on the map."

"The Modern Easter"

With the advent of industrialization and consumer capitalism, women became increasingly active in public spaces. Whereas a generation earlier, men dominated the public sphere and women the private, gender norms became increasingly unclear in urban America in the early 1900s. This cartoon reflects fears related to those changes.

"Every Old Can..."

One reality of Birmingham's rapid urbanization was disease and poor sanitation. At the turn of the century, Progressives believed that such social problems could be improved through education and public policies. This 1911 cartoon comments on the dangers of standing water, a particular problem in the American South.

"Common Sense Points to the Reason Why..."

Alabama had one of the most aggressive convict-leasing systems in the country. This highly profitable system saw people - typically poor white and Black Alabamians - convicted of misdemeanors and forced to work dangerous jobs. This political cartoon calls for the convicts' unpaid labor to be put toward public roads rather than in dangerous mining operations - a common call among those who critiqued the system.

"A Happy Meeting in Alabama"

While Birmingham was a leader in steel production, Alabama's poor state infrastructure meant shipping by road or rail was often inefficient. Eventually, Alabama's coal and iron regions were connected to Mobile via locks and dams on Alabama's waterways. This 1913 cartoon positively depicts the connection of Alabama's mineral deposits to international markets via Tuscaloosa's Black Warrior River.

Building Black Communities After Reconstruction

In the wake of the Civil War, Black Southerners established permanent communities with independent economic, social, and religious institutions. During the period of Reconstruction (1865-1874), Black Alabamians were able to exert their rights both politically and economically. After Reconstruction ended, the withdrawal of federal troops left Black Alabamians without much political recourse as white Democrats slowly reconsolidated power through voter fraud and racial terrorism. However, even within this context, Black communities continued to grow and thrive, with civic leaders establishing schools, churches, businesses, colleges and universities, and vocational academies. In 1879, former schoolteacher and principal Charles Hendley became editor of the Huntsville Gazette. The Gazette, which ran from November 1879 through 1894, was one of two Republican newspapers in Huntsville at the time, and one of the most prominent Black newspapers in Alabama. Articles from the Gazette povide insight into the lives of Black Alabamians who strived to create enduring institutions and promote social uplift at the end of the nineteenth century.

"Rust Normal Institute"

During Reconstruction, the South saw the establishment of several Normal Schools, institutes designed to train teachers to serve the formerly enslaved population. In 1865, Huntsville's Methodist Episcopal Church established the Rust Normal Institute, later the Central Alabama Institute. Partly private and partly publicly funded, the Rust Normal Institute was the first tuition-free school for Black students in Alabama. In this August 1881 article, Miss O.L. Smith advertises the school, emphasizing its accessibility and stressing the importance of education for Alabama's Black community.

"General Race News: Doings of Colored Americans Here and There"

In many ways the Huntsville Gazette served as a clearinghouse for national and regional news that might be of interest to the local Black community. In this October 1894 article, the Gazette informed its readers about the general "doings" and accomplishments of Black Americans throughout the nation. Prominently featured were Black men with military service, religious leaders, as well as professional members of the emerging Black middle class.

"Zephyrs from the Gulf"

This letter to the editor from June 1881 details a wide-ranging array of concerns regarding the state of Alabama's Black community post-Reconstruction. The author expresses concern over the lack of a coherent Republican opposition in the state, and notes that white newspaper editors have abandoned Black Alabamians. He goes on to discuss Black men serving in professional appointments in Mobile. The letter exemplifies the emphasis placed on education and the growing professional class among Black Southerners after Reconstruction.

"Senator Burton"

In keeping with the Gazette's desire to emphasize the most prominent, credentialed members of the Black community, this August 1881 blurb on Senator Walter Moses Burton contains several examples of the image Black Southerners sought to convey to the rest of the nation. Senator Burton's story, as detailed in the Gazette, projects an image of Black Americans not only as learned and high-achieving, but models of charity and goodwill.

"Negro Education And Advancement Discussed by the Contemporary Club"

This March 1894 article was republished from the Philadelphia Standard-Echo, a Black newspaper with modest circulation in Pennsylvania. It details a speech given by Booker T. Washington, one of the most prominent Black Americans of the nineteenth century, first president of the Tuskegee University. The speech was indicative of Washington's message of Black uplift through industry and education. The content of the speech showcases the delicate argument Washington felt he must make, advocating for the Black community in a way that did not threaten the political institutions of the South.

The Constitution of 1901

In 1874, following the end of Reconstruction in Alabama, the Democratic Party regained control of the state government. The subsequent Constitution of 1875, which replaced the Reconstruction Constitution of 1868, was the first attempt to strip Black Alabamians of their voting rights via the introduction of a poll tax. Between 1875 and 1901, the Populist movement spread in the South, threatening the dominance of the Democratic Party. Of particular concern to Democrats was the possibility of a biracial coalition of workers. To curb the threat of a unified working class, and permanently cement white supremacy into law, Alabama's legislature called a constitutional convention in 1901. The all-white delegation produced the Constitution of 1901. The document all but eliminated voting rights for Black and most poor white Alabamians, imposing a poll tax, literacy tests, employment requirements, and disqualifying voters convicted of minor offenses.

"Oates Discusses Needed Changes"

In this 1899 interview, General William C. Oates, former Governor of Alabama, offered his thoughts on the "radical changes" proposed for the constitution. Oates states explicitly that the purpose of such reforms was the preservation of the Democratic Party in Alabama, and that the poll tax and other "obstructions" to voting were a way to work around the Fifteenth Amendment.

"The Grandfather Clause"

This July 1901 article from the Birmingham Age-Herald is a collection of excerpts from several Alabama newspapers reacting to proposed changes to the state constitution. The support for disfranchisement measures was not universal. The critiques of disfranchisement, however, came not made from a desire to see Black Alabamians vote. Instead, concerns often related to how disfranchisement would affect white Alabamians and the apportionment of the state legislature.

"Address of the Committee of the Constitutional Convention"

In 1901, the Birmingham Age-Herald published an ongoing series of the meeting minutes from the Constitutional Convention. This is the opening statement by the committee providing its justifications for disfranchisement, among other changes made to the constitution. Alabama Democrats framed the enfranchisement of Black Americans as illegitimate, and viewed the previous constitutions as imposed by external forces.

Women's Suffrage in Alabama

Alabama women had been involved in the suffrage movement since the 1860s. The beginning of the twentieth century, however, saw renewed and aggressive national activism for women's rights. In the context of the social concerns of the Progressive era, as well as third-wave of the temperance movement, some of Alabama's most prominent women formed the Alabama Equal Suffrage Association (AESA) in 1912. Support for suffrage was not universal among women, however, with other prominent white women forming organizations to fight against women receiving the right to vote.

"Women Who Do Not Want Franchise Should Have It"

In this May 1912 article. Birmingham journalist Myrtle Miles details a pro-suffrage speech given by lecturer Edward Howard Griggs. The article tries to present suffrage in a moderate, reasonable tone, disavowing more aggressive activists as unhelpful to the cause. It also seeks to assuage fears that women's suffrage will lead to a destruction of traditional gender roles.

"Negro Women Will Secure Ballot if Suffragists Win"

This August 1916 article highlights the racial dynamics at play in the question of women's suffrage. Both proponents and opponents of suffrage in Alabama addressed how the enfranchisement of women would impact the enforcement of white supremacy. White opponents of suffrage claimed Black women voting would threaten segregation, whereas pro-suffrage Southerners claimed the percentage of Black women voters would not be enough to constitute a threat to Democrats.

"Serious Obstacles to Suffrage Amendment in Existing State Laws"

In this July 1919 article, Birmingham-based lawyer Borden Burr offers his thoughts and concerns about the proposed Nineteenth Amendment. Burr's primary concern, like many white anti-suffrage Alabamians, was that women voting would upset "the present Anglo-Saxon supremacy." Burr also discusses how the unique disfranchisement mechanisms of Alabama's constitution would complicate the implementation of suffrage.

"Constructive Study Marks Attitude of Women on Suffrage"

Following the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment in August 1920, Alabamians wondered what the change would mean for politics in the state and at the national level. In this August 1920 article, suffragists discuss the next phase of their movement, registering women in Alabama, and speculate on how women will vote.

Labor Relations in Alabama

After the elimination of the slave labor system, the American South attempted to modernize and industrialize. At the end of the 1800s and into the twentieth century, Alabama's key non-agricultural industries were textiles, iron and steel production, and coal mining. While the wage labor system that supplanted slavery was a drastic improvement, especially for Black Alabamians, Alabama's working class still struggled with poor living and working conditions. Industrial labor was particularly dangerous and wages low. Consequently, Alabama workers often organized, forming interracial coalitions that participated in collective action. Their success, however, was limited.

"Child Labor Bill and Capitol Appropriation to Become Alabama Laws"

This February 1903 article is an account of the Senate debate on Alabama's child labor law. It was a modest reform. The law meant no child under ten could work, no child under thirteen could work at night, and no one under twelve could work more than sixty-six hours per week. Still, as the debate shows, forces opposed to regulation weaponized certain arguments, including the concept of "parental rights" to try and keep child labor unregulated in the state.

"Bolsheviki Would Organize Soviets in United States"

In the wake of the Russian Revolution, politicians and business interests in the United States feared that other nations would also have a worker-led revolution. This November 1920 article, published in the Birmingham Age-Herald, is an example of the kind of anti-communist propaganda common during the 1920s. Published while Alabama's coal miners were striking for better wages, the article paints workers' mobilization as an external "menace" brought by outsiders.

"Lest We Forget"

This flyer, published as an advertisement in the Birmingham Age-Herald, is part of a series of anti-strike ads taken out by Birmingham's coal mine owners during the Coal Strike of 1920-21. It exemplifies several of the arguments made by mine owners against striking workers, including the notion that strikers were "breaking" current contracts by negotiating for new ones, and that local miners had been "deceived" by national labor organizations. The owners also make reference to the interracial nature of the strike - hoping to use racism as a wedge to divide public opinion against the workers.